John Tyler

John Tyler was the tenth president of the United States, serving from 1841 to 1845. He became president after the death of William Henry Harrison, who had been elected as president but passed away just one month into his term. Tyler was originally elected as vice president on the Whig Party ticket with Harrison. When Harrison died, Tyler became the first vice president to succeed to the presidency, setting an important example for future leaders.

Tyler was born into a well-known family in Virginia and had a long career in politics before becoming president. He served as a state legislator, governor, U.S. representative, and U.S. senator. Tyler strongly believed in states' rights and often opposed actions he felt overstepped the powers of the states. His time as president was challenging, as he often disagreed with leaders in his own party, the Whigs, leading many of his cabinet members to leave and the party to expel him.

During his presidency, Tyler achieved some successes in foreign policy, such as helping to settle the border between Maine and Canada through the Webster–Ashburton Treaty and signing a treaty with China. He also supported the idea of expanding the United States by annexing Texas, which happened just before he left office. Later in life, when the American Civil War began, Tyler supported the Peace Conference and, after it failed, sided with the Confederacy. He died before he could take a seat in the Confederate government. Historians often place Tyler near the bottom among U.S. presidents, but he is remembered for his role in important treaties and for helping stop the illegal trade of enslaved people.

Early life and education

John Tyler was born on March 29, 1790, into a well-known family in Charles City County, Virginia. His family had deep roots in the area, tracing back to early English settlers in Williamsburg. His father, John Tyler Sr., was a judge and later became governor of Virginia. Sadly, Tyler's mother passed away when he was seven.

Tyler grew up on a large farm called Greenway Plantation with his brothers and sisters. He was taught by tutors and later went to the College of William and Mary, where he graduated at just 17. He enjoyed studying and loved reading the works of William Shakespeare. After college, Tyler studied law with his father and another lawyer, Edmund Randolph.

Planter and lawyer

John Tyler became a lawyer in Virginia when he was only 19, even though he was too young at the time. His father was the governor of Virginia, and John started his law work in the city of Richmond.

In 1813, John bought a place called Woodburn plantation where he lived for many years. By 1820, he had many people working for him without pay at Woodburn.

Political rise

Start in Virginia politics

In 1811, at age 21, Tyler was elected to represent Charles City County in the House of Delegates. He served five successive one-year terms. As a state legislator, Tyler sat on the Courts and Justice Committee. His strong support of states' rights and opposition to a national bank became clear early on.

War of 1812

Like most Southern Americans of his day, Tyler was against the British, and at the start of the War of 1812, he spoke in support of military action. After the British captured Hampton, Virginia, in 1813, Tyler organized a militia company, the Charles City Rifles, to defend Richmond. No attack came, and he dissolved the company two months later. For his service, Tyler received a land grant near what later became Sioux City, Iowa.

When his father died in 1813, Tyler inherited 13 slaves along with his father's plantation. In 1816, he resigned his legislative seat to serve on the Governor's Council of State, a group of eight advisers elected by the General Assembly.

U.S. House of Representatives

The death of U.S. Representative John Clopton in September 1816 created a vacancy in Virginia's 23rd congressional district. Tyler sought the seat, as did his friend and political ally Andrew Stevenson. Tyler's political connections and campaigning skills narrowly won him the election. He was sworn into the Fourteenth Congress on December 17, 1816, to serve as a Democratic-Republican.

While the Democratic-Republicans had supported states' rights, many members urged a stronger central government after the War of 1812. Tyler held fast to his beliefs, rejecting proposals for the federal government to fund internal improvements such as ports and roadways. He believed each state should construct necessary projects within its borders using locally generated funds.

Tyler was chosen to participate in an audit of the Second Bank of the United States in 1818 as part of a committee, and he was appalled by the corruption which he perceived within the bank. He argued for the revocation of the bank charter, although Congress rejected any such proposal. His first clash with General Andrew Jackson followed Jackson's 1818 invasion of Florida during the First Seminole War. While praising Jackson's character, Tyler condemned him as overzealous for the execution of two British subjects. Tyler was elected for a full term without opposition in early 1819.

The major issue of the Sixteenth Congress (1819–1821) was whether Missouri should be admitted to the Union and whether slavery would be permitted in the new state. Acknowledging the ills of slavery, he hoped that by letting it expand, there would be fewer slaves in the East as slaves and masters journeyed west, making it feasible to consider abolishing the institution in Virginia. Tyler believed that Congress did not have the power to regulate slavery and that admitting states based on whether they were slave or free was a recipe for sectional conflict. The Missouri Compromise was thus enacted without his support. It admitted Missouri as a slave state and Maine as a free one, and it also forbade slavery in states formed from the northern part of the territories. Throughout his time in Congress, he voted against bills that would restrict slavery in the territories.

Tyler declined to seek renomination in late 1820 due to frequently ill health. He privately acknowledged his dissatisfaction with the position, as his opposing votes were largely symbolic and did little to change the political culture in Washington. Tyler also observed that funding his children's education would be difficult on a congressman's low salary. He left office on March 3, 1821, endorsing his former opponent Stevenson for the seat, and returned to private law practice full-time.

Return to state politics

Restless and bored after two years at home practicing law, Tyler sought election to the House of Delegates in 1823. Neither member from Charles City County was seeking reelection, and Tyler was elected easily that April, finishing first among the three candidates seeking the two seats. As the legislature convened in December, Tyler found the chamber debating the impending presidential election of 1824. Tyler tried to convince the lower house to endorse the caucus system and choose William H. Crawford as the Democratic-Republican candidate. Crawford captured the legislature's support, but Tyler's proposal was defeated. His most enduring effort in this second legislative tenure was saving the College of William and Mary, which risked closure from waning enrollment. Rather than move it from rural Williamsburg to the more populated capital at Richmond, as some suggested, Tyler proposed administrative and financial reforms. These were passed into law and were successful; by 1840, the school achieved its highest enrollment.

Tyler's political fortunes were growing; he was considered a possible candidate in the legislative deliberation for the 1824 U.S. Senate election. He was nominated in December 1825 for governor of Virginia, a position which was then appointed by the legislature. Tyler was elected 131–81 over John Floyd. The office of governor was powerless under the original Virginia Constitution (1776–1830), lacking even veto authority. Tyler enjoyed a prominent oratorical platform but could do little to influence the legislature. His most visible act as governor was delivering the funeral address for former president Jefferson, a Virginian and a former governor, who had died on July 4, 1826. Tyler was deeply devoted to Jefferson, and his eloquent eulogy was well received.

Tyler's governorship was otherwise uneventful. He promoted states' rights and adamantly opposed any concentration of federal power. To thwart federal infrastructure proposals, he suggested Virginia actively expand its road system. A proposal was made to expand the state's poorly funded public school system, but no significant action was taken. Tyler was unanimously reelected to a second one-year term in December 1826.

In 1829, Tyler was elected as a delegate to the Virginia Constitutional Convention of 1829–1830 from the district encompassing the cities of Richmond and Williamsburg and Charles City County, James City County, Henrico County, New Kent County, Warwick County, and York County. There, he served alongside Chief Justice John Marshall, Philip N. Nicholas and John B. Clopton. The leadership assigned him to the Committee on the Legislature. Tyler's service in various capacities at a state level included as president of the Virginia Colonization Society and much later as rector and chancellor of the College of William and Mary.

U.S. Senate

In January 1827, the General Assembly considered whether to elect U.S. Senator John Randolph for a full six-year term. Randolph was a contentious figure; although he shared the staunch views on states' rights held by most of the Virginia legislature, he had a reputation for fiery rhetoric and erratic behavior on the Senate floor, which put his allies in an awkward position. Furthermore, he had made enemies by fiercely opposing President John Quincy Adams and Kentucky Senator Henry Clay. The nationalists of the Democratic-Republican Party, who supported Adams and Clay, were a sizable minority in the Virginia legislature. They hoped to unseat Randolph by capturing the vote of states' rights supporters who were uncomfortable with the senator's reputation. They approached Tyler and promised their endorsement if he sought the seat. Tyler repeatedly declined the offer, endorsing Randolph as the best candidate, but the political pressure continued to mount. Eventually, he agreed to accept the seat if chosen. On the day of the vote, one assemblyman argued there was no political difference between the candidates—Tyler was more agreeable than Randolph. The incumbent's supporters contended that Tyler's election would be a tacit endorsement of the Adams administration. The legislature selected Tyler in a vote of 115–110, and he resigned his governorship on March 4, 1827, as his Senate term began.

Democratic maverick

By the time of Tyler's senatorial election, the 1828 campaign for president was in progress. Adams, the incumbent president, was challenged by Andrew Jackson. The Democratic-Republicans had splintered into Adams's National Republicans and Jackson's Democrats. Tyler disliked both candidates for their willingness to increase the federal government's power, but was increasingly drawn to Jackson, hoping that he would not seek to spend as much federal money on internal improvements as Adams. Of Jackson, he wrote, "Turning to him I may at least indulge in hope; looking on Adams I must despair."

When the Twentieth Congress began in December 1827, Tyler served alongside his Virginia colleague and friend Littleton Waller Tazewell, who shared his strict constructionist views and uneasy support of Jackson. Throughout his tenure, Tyler vigorously opposed national infrastructure bills, feeling these were matters for individual states to decide. He and his Southern colleagues unsuccessfully opposed the protectionist Tariff of 1828, known to its detractors as the "Tariff of Abominations". Tyler suggested that the tariff's only positive outcome would be a national political backlash, restoring a respect for states' rights. He remained a strong supporter of states' rights, saying, "they may strike the Federal Government out of existence by a word; demolish the Constitution and scatter its fragments to the winds".

Tyler was soon at odds with President Jackson, frustrated by Jackson's newly emerging spoils system, describing it as an "electioneering weapon". He voted against many of Jackson's nominations when they appeared to be unconstitutional or motivated by patronage. Opposing the nominations of a president of his party was considered "an act of insurgency" against his party. Tyler was particularly offended by Jackson's use of the recess appointment power to name three treaty commissioners to meet with emissaries from the Ottoman Empire and introduced a bill chastising Jackson for this.

In some matters, Tyler was on good terms with Jackson. He defended Jackson for vetoing the Maysville Road funding project, which Jackson considered unconstitutional. He voted to confirm several of Jackson's appointments, including Jackson's future running mate Martin Van Buren as United States Minister to Britain. The leading issue in the 1832 presidential election was the recharter of the Second Bank of the United States, which both Tyler and Jackson opposed. Congress voted to recharter the bank in July 1832, and Jackson vetoed the bill for constitutional and practical reasons. Tyler voted to sustain the veto and endorsed Jackson in his successful bid for reelection.

Break with the Democratic Party

Tyler's uneasy relationship with his party came to a head during the 22nd Congress, as the nullification crisis of 1832–1833 began. South Carolina, threatening secession, passed the Ordinance of Nullification in November 1832, declaring the "Tariff of Abominations" null and void within its borders. This raised the constitutional question of whether states could nullify federal laws. Jackson, who denied such a right, prepared to sign a Force Bill allowing the federal government to use military action to enforce the tariff. Tyler, who sympathized with South Carolina's reasons for nullification, rejected Jackson's use of military force against a state and gave a speech in February 1833 outlining his views. He supported Clay's Compromise Tariff, enacted that year, to gradually reduce the tariff over ten years, alleviating tensions between the states and the federal government.

In voting against the Force Bill, Tyler knew he would permanently alienate the pro-Jackson faction of the Virginia legislature, even those who had tolerated his irregularity up to this point. This jeopardized his reelection in February 1833, in which he faced the pro-administration Democrat James McDowell, but with Clay's endorsement, Tyler was reelected by a margin of 12 votes.

Jackson further offended Tyler by moving to dissolve the Bank by executive fiat. In September 1833, Jackson issued an executive order directing Treasury Secretary Roger B. Taney to transfer federal funds from the Bank to state-chartered banks immediately. Tyler saw this as "a flagrant assumption of power", a breach of contract, and a threat to the economy. After months of agonizing, he decided to join with Jackson's opponents. Sitting on the Senate Finance Committee, he voted for two censure resolutions against the president in March 1834. By this time, Tyler had become affiliated with Clay's newly formed Whig Party, which held control of the Senate. On March 3, 1835, with only hours remaining in the congressional session, the Whigs voted Tyler President pro tempore of the Senate as a symbolic gesture of approval. He is the only U.S. president to have held this office.

Shortly after that, the Democrats took control of the Virginia House of Delegates. Tyler was offered a judgeship in exchange for resigning his seat, but he declined. He understood what was to come: the legislature would soon force him to vote against his constitutional beliefs. Senator Thomas Hart Benton of Missouri had introduced a bill expunging Jackson's censure. By resolution of the Democratic-controlled legislature, Tyler could be instructed to vote for the bill. If he disregarded the instructions, he would violate his own principles: "the first act of my political life was a censure on Messrs. Giles and Brent for opposition to instructions", he noted. Over the next few months he sought the counsel of his friends, who gave him conflicting advice. By mid-February he felt that his Senate career was likely at an end. He issued a letter of resignation to Vice President Van Buren on February 29, 1836, saying in part:

I shall carry with me into retirement the principles which I brought with me into public life, and by the surrender of the high station to which I was called by the voice of the people of Virginia, I shall set an example to my children which shall teach them to regard as nothing place and office, when either is to be attained or held at the sacrifice of honor.

1836 presidential election

While Tyler wished to attend to his private life and family, he was soon occupied with the 1836 presidential election. He had been suggested as a vice presidential candidate since early 1835, and the same day the Virginia Democrats issued the expunging instruction, the Virginia Whigs nominated him as their candidate. The new Whig Party was not organized enough to hold a national convention and name a single ticket against Van Buren, Jackson's chosen successor. Instead, Whigs in various regions put forth their own preferred tickets, reflecting the party's tenuous coalition: the Massachusetts Whigs nominated Daniel Webster and Francis Granger, the Anti-Masons of the Northern and border states backed William Henry Harrison and Granger, and the states' rights advocates of the middle and lower South nominated Hugh Lawson White and John Tyler. In Maryland, the Whig ticket was Harrison and Tyler and in South Carolina it was Willie P. Mangum and Tyler. The Whigs wanted to deny Van Buren a majority in the Electoral College, throwing the election into the House of Representatives, where deals could be made. Tyler hoped electors would be unable to elect a vice president, and that he would be one of the top two vote-getters, from whom the Senate, under the Twelfth Amendment, must choose.

Following the custom of the times—that candidates not appear to seek the office—Tyler stayed home throughout the campaign, and made no speeches. He received only 47 electoral votes, from Georgia, South Carolina and Tennessee, in the November 1836 election, trailing both Granger and the Democratic candidate, Richard Mentor Johnson of Kentucky. Harrison was the leading Whig candidate for president, but he lost to Van Buren. The presidential election was settled by the Electoral College, but for the only time in American history, the vice-presidential election was decided by the Senate, which selected Johnson over Granger on the first ballot.

National political figure

Tyler had been drawn into Virginia politics as a U.S. senator. From October 1829 to January 1830, he served as a member of the state constitutional convention, a role he had been reluctant to accept. The original Virginia Constitution gave outsize influence to the state's more conservative eastern counties, as it allocated an equal number of legislators to each county regardless of population and granted suffrage only to property owners. The convention gave the more populous and liberal counties of western Virginia an opportunity to expand their influence. A slaveowner from eastern Virginia, Tyler supported the existing system, but largely remained on the sidelines during the debate, not wishing to alienate any of the state's political factions. He was focused on his Senate career, which required a broad base of support, and gave speeches during the convention promoting compromise and unity.

After the 1836 election, Tyler thought his political career was over, and planned to return to private law practice. In the fall of 1837 a friend sold him a sizable property in Williamsburg. Unable to remain away from politics, Tyler successfully sought election to the House of Delegates and took his seat in 1838. He was a national political figure by this point, and his third delegate service touched on such national issues as the sale of public lands.

Tyler's successor in the Senate was William Cabell Rives, a conservative Democrat. In February 1839, the General Assembly considered who should fill that seat, which was to expire the following month. Rives had drifted away from his party, signalling a possible alliance with the Whigs. As Tyler had already fully rejected the Democrats, he expected the Whigs would support him. Still, many Whigs found Rives a more politically expedient choice, as they hoped to ally with the conservative wing of the Democratic Party in the 1840 presidential election. This strategy was supported by Whig leader Henry Clay, who nevertheless admired Tyler at that time. With the vote split among three candidates, including Rives and Tyler, the Senate seat remained vacant for almost two years, until January 1841.

1840 presidential election

See also: 1840 United States presidential election, William Henry Harrison 1840 presidential campaign, and 1839 Whig National Convention

When the 1839 Whig National Convention met in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, the country was dealing with a tough economic time after the Panic of 1837. The Whig party needed to choose their candidates for president and vice president. Three main men wanted to be president: Harrison, Clay, and General Winfield Scott.

John Tyler was there with the Virginia group, but he wasn’t officially part of the meeting. The group couldn’t agree on who should be president, so they picked Harrison. For vice president, they didn’t think it mattered much because no president had ever finished their term before. Tyler was chosen to balance the ticket because he was from the South and owned property, which helped win support from Southerners who were worried about Harrison’s views.

In the election, the Whigs focused on being excited and energetic rather than on specific plans. They used fun events and songs to get people excited. One famous song was “Tippecanoe and Tyler Too,” talking about Harrison’s old battle victory. The Whigs won the election, with Harrison and Tyler getting most of the votes.

Vice presidency (1841)

John Tyler stayed quietly at his home in Williamsburg while he was waiting to become vice president. He hoped the new president, William Henry Harrison, would stay strong and not let others control the government. Tyler did not help choose leaders for the new administration or suggest anyone for jobs in the government.

Tyler was officially made vice president on March 4, 1841, in the Senate chamber. He spoke for a few minutes about states' rights before taking his oath and helping to confirm new leaders chosen by the president. After President Harrison gave a long speech in very cold weather, Tyler went back to the Senate to help with confirming leaders. He then quietly went home to Williamsburg, expecting not many duties as vice president.

Soon after, President Harrison became very sick and was told he had pneumonia and pleurisy. On April 4, Tyler was told that President Harrison had passed away. The next morning, Tyler traveled to Washington to become the new president.

Presidency (1841–1845)

Harrison's death in office was an unprecedented event that caused considerable uncertainty about presidential succession. The Constitution at the time stated that if the President dies, the Vice President takes over. Tyler asserted that this meant he became the full President, not just acting President. He was sworn in immediately, moved into the White House, and took on all presidential powers. This set a precedent for future transfers of power after a President's death.

Tyler faced many challenges during his presidency. He disagreed with members of his own party, the Whigs, over economic policies and was eventually expelled from the party. Despite these difficulties, Tyler achieved some successes in foreign policy, including negotiating treaties and supporting exploration of the western United States. His administration also saw the annexation of Texas, which was a major accomplishment, though it also led to tensions with Mexico.

Post-presidency (1845–1862)

After leaving the presidency, John Tyler returned to his home in Virginia, which he renamed Sherwood Forest. He worked hard on his farm and took on small community roles, even when others tried to make fun of him. He stayed interested in politics and spoke at events, always respecting his old friends.

When the Civil War began, Tyler supported Virginia and joined efforts to help prevent the war, but later believed the only way was for Southern states to separate. He planned to serve in the government of the new nation but passed away before he could start.

Death

Tyler often had health problems, and in January 1862, he became very sick and passed away at his hotel in Richmond. Because of his support for the Southern cause, his funeral was held in a special way that showed his loyalty to Virginia. He was buried in Hollywood Cemetery in Richmond, near another past president, James Monroe. Places like the city of Tyler, Texas, were named after him for his help in bringing Texas into the United States.

Historical reputation and legacy

Main article: List of memorials to John Tyler

People have different opinions about John Tyler's time as president. Many experts think he was one of the less successful presidents. Some say he was not very good at leading the country. However, others believe he did some important things. For example, he showed that if the president dies, the vice president becomes the new president. This idea helped future leaders when they needed to take over.

Some also think Tyler did well in making friends with other countries and growing the United States. But, he also made choices that made people unhappy, especially about important national issues. Because of this, many people today do not remember much about him, except for a small part of a famous old campaign phrase.

Family, personal life, and slavery

John Tyler had more children than any other American president. His first wife, Letitia Christian, had eight children with him. Sadly, she passed away while they were living in the White House. Later, Tyler married Julia Gardiner, and they had seven children together.

Tyler owned slaves and believed that decisions about slavery were up to each state, not the federal government. He never freed any of his slaves, but there is no proof that he treated them harshly. Some people today believe they might be related to Tyler, but there is no evidence to support this.